Articles & Commentary

McCain’s Noble Cause

Published on Sunday, May 4, 2008 by CommonDreams.org

by Stacy Bannerman

It took nearly three years, and it came from a Presidential wannabe rather than President Bush, but Cindy Sheehan finally got an answer to her question: “What is the noble cause?” It’s oil.

Senator McCain, speaking at a campaign stop, said, “I will have an energy policy which will eliminate our dependency on oil from the Middle East that will then prevent us from having ever to send our young men and women into conflict again in the Middle East.” The Senator subsequently attempted to cover up his Freudian slip (or “senior moment”) by claiming that he was referring to the 1991 Persian Gulf War, not the current conflict. Sorry, Senator, but that cat’s just not going back.

What sort of mental and moral gymnastics does McCain perform in order to justify his ongoing support for a war he claims to want to prevent in the future? Is it the same floor routine that he uses when refusing to endorse various bills, such as the G.I. Bill and equal dwell time, which would benefit veterans and military families, while professing his patriotism and support for the troops?

I understand quite well that the Senator served and was badly injured in Vietnam and endured years of torture as a P.O.W. I get it. I also get that the Senator says he wants to avert another war for oil in the coming years. But our troops and their families are fighting, dying, and dealing with the fallout from the Iraq war at this specific juncture in the time-space continuum. Senator “Marty McFly” McCain needs to park the time travel machine and address the Iraq debacle in the “fierce urgency of now.”

The Senator said that he “regret[s] sincerely the additional sacrifices imposed on the brave Americans who defend us. But let us honor them by doing all we can to ensure their sacrifices were not made in vain.” (April 11, 2007)

If, as the Senator insinuated, the war in Iraq is a war for oil, which he purports he would “prevent” with the fuzzy energy policy of his hoped-for Presidency, yet he continues to support the current war for oil, it begs the question: If not then, why now?

The rinse and redeploy cycle that keeps sending our loved ones to fight and die in a war for oil does not honor the sacrifice of the fallen. It is an unconscionable violation of the legitimate purposes and constitutional laws governing the use of the military. Every additional deployment adds moral insult to psychic injury and bodily harm. Each day that the war continues perpetuates the blatant disregard for the bravery and commitment of our troops and reduces the cost of their lives to mere pennies.

The average American adult male human body contains approximately 1.5 gallons of blood. In 2004, when Cindy’s son, Spc. Casey Sheehan, was killed in Iraq, the price of a gallon of gas was $1.85, and crude oil accounted for 47% of the cost, according to the Energy Information Administration. Casey’s blood, traded for a gallon and a half of gasoline, retailed for $2.78, the cost of the crude oil - 47% - was valued at $1.31.
Given that, it’s not surprising that Cindy sat down in a ditch in Crawford, Texas, waiting for President Bush to tell her what her son’s sacrifice had been for. What’s surprising is that Ms. Sheehan ever got up again.

What is appalling is that Senator McCain and Congress is considering a package deal supplemental to ensure that our troops remain engaged in a war for oil while Americans complain about the price they’re paying at the pump. Crude doesn’t begin to describe it.

Stacy Bannerman is the author of When the War Came Home: The Inside Story of Reservists and the Families They Leave Behind, (Continuum Publishing, 2006). She is longtime member of Military Families Speak Out www.mfso.org. Her husband is preparing for his second deployment to Iraq with the 81st Brigade.

HOUSE VETERANS AFFAIRS SUBCOMMITTEE ON HEALTH

February 28, 2008

Mental Health Impacts of Iraq War on the Families of Guard/Reserve Veterans.

TESTIMONY of

Stacy Bannerman, M.S., author of “When the War Came Home: The Inside Story of Reservists and the Families They Leave Behind.” (2006) Wife of National Guard soldier/Iraq War veteran, Bronze Star, Combat Infantry Badge recipient

________________________________________________________________________

During the few hours it takes for this historic hearing to conclude, another veteran will commit suicide. Most likely it will be a veteran of the Guard or Reserves, “who have fought in Iraq and Afghanistan [and] make up more than half of veterans who committed suicide after returning home from those wars.” (The Associated Press, February, 2008)  There will be at least seven family members left to deal with the adjustment, loss, anger, and grief.  Because their loved one was a citizen soldier, they will do so alone.  They will be forced to live with the pain of their preventable loss for the rest of their lives, without the formal and informal mental health services and support available to active duty military families. Just as they did during all phases of their loved ones’ deployment.

I am the author of “When the War Came Home: The Inside Story of Reservists and the Families They Leave Behind.”(Continuum Publishing, 2006)  I am currently separated from my husband, a National Guard soldier who served one year in Iraq in 2004-05.  Just as we are beginning to find our way back together, we are starting the countdown for a possible second deployment.  Two of my cousins by marriage have also served in Iraq, one with the MN Guard, a deployment that lasted 22 months, longer than any other ground combat unit. My other cousin, active duty, was killed in action. 

My family members have spent more time fighting one war - the war in Iraq - than my grandfather and uncles did in WWII and Korea, combined.  When the home front costs and burdens fall repeatedly on the same shoulders, the anticipatory grief and trauma – secondary, intergenerational and betrayal - is exponential and increasingly acute. Nowhere is that more obvious than in Guard and Reserve households.

Our loved ones perform the same duties as regular active troops when they are in theatre, but they do it with abbreviated training and, all-too-often, insufficient protection and aging equipment.  It was a National Guardsman who asked then-Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld what he and the Army were doing "to address shortages and antiquated equipment" National Guard soldiers heading to Iraq were struggling with.

Guard families experience the same stressors as active duty families before, during, and after deployment, although we do not have anywhere near the same level of support, nor do our loved ones when they come home.  Many Guard members and their families report being shunned by the active duty mental health system.  Army National Guard Specialist and Iraq War veteran Brandon Jones said that when he and his wife sought post-deployment counseling, they were “made to feel we were taking up a resource meant for active duty soldiers from the base.”  One Guardsman’s wife was told that “active duty families were given preference” when seeking services for herself and her daughters while her husband was in Iraq. 

The nearly three million immediate family members directly impacted by Guard/Reserve deployments struggle with issues that active duty families do not.  The Guard is a unique branch of the Armed Services that straddles the civilian and military sectors, serves both the community and the country.  The Guard has never before been deployed in such numbers for so long.  Most never expected to go to war.  During Vietnam, some people actually joined the Guard in order to dodge the draft and avoid combat.  Today’s National Guard and Reservists are serving with honor and bravery, each and every time they’re called.  But when the Governor of Puerto Rico called for a US withdrawal from Iraq at the annual National Guard conference, more than 4,000 National Guardsmen gave him a standing ovation. (“Troops cheer call for Iraq withdrawal.” The Associated Press, August 26, 2007)

These factors are crucial to understanding the mental health impacts of the war in Iraq on the families of Guard/Reserve veterans, and tailoring programs and services to support them.

Several weeks after my husband got the call he was mobilized.  There was very little time to transition from a civilian lifestyle and employment to full-time active duty.  The Guard didn’t have regular family group meetings, and I couldn’t go next door to talk to another wife who was going through the same things I was, or who had already been there, done that.  Most Guard/Reservists live miles away from a base or Armory, many are in rural communities.  We are isolated and alone. 

At least 20% of us experience a significant drop in household income when our loved one is mobilized.  This financial pressure is an added stressor.  The majority of citizen soldiers work for small businesses or are self-employed.  Some have lost their jobs or livelihoods as a direct result of deployment.  The possibility of a second or third tour makes it difficult to secure another one.  Guard members have reported being put on probation or having their hours cut within a few days of being put on alert status for deployment.  Some of us have to re-locate.  Some of us go to food shelves.  Where we once had shared parenting responsibilities, the spouse left behind is now the sole caregiver, without the benefit of an on-base child care center.

             During deployment, we withdraw and do the best we can to survive.  Anxious, depressed, and alone, we may attempt to cope by drinking more, eating less, taking Xanax or Prozac to make it through.  We close the curtains so we can’t see the black sedan with government plates pulling into our drive.  We cautiously circle the block when we come home, our personal perimeter check to make sure there are no Casualty Notification Officers around.  Every time the phone rings, our hearts skip a beat.  Our kids may act out or withdraw, get into fights, detach or deteriorate, socially, emotionally, and academically.  There are no organic mental health services for the children of National Guard and Reservists, even though they are more likely to be married with children than active duty troops.

There are a growing number of military families with what psychologists are beginning to recognize as Secondary Traumatic Stress Disorder. Secondary Trauma may occur when a person has an indirect exposure to risk or trauma, resulting in many of the same symptoms as a full-blown diagnosis of PTSD. These symptoms can include depression, suicidal thoughts and feelings, substance abuse, feelings of alienation and isolation, feelings of mistrust and betrayal, anger and irritability, or severe impairment in daily functioning. (“Walking On Eggshells.” Mary Tendall and Jan Fishler, Vietnow Magazine.)

One woman wrote, “My husband is a Reservist and, foolishly or not, we did not expect him to be activated and sent to Iraq. During my husband's deployment I had anxiety, depression, loss of appetite, difficulty sleeping, and hair loss from the stress. I had to cut back on my work hours because I couldn't concentrate.”

            When our soldiers come home, they are given a perfunctory set of questions about their mental health status, and then they are given back to us.  50% of Guard/Reservists who have served in Iraq suffer post-combat mental health issues, and the government has known for decades that Reservists are at significantly higher risk.

Numerous studies conducted in the 1980’s and 90’s on the impact of combat deployments in citizen soldiers found that “Being a reservist, having low enlisted rank, and belonging to a support unit increased the risk for psychiatric breakdown. [And] Loss of unit support [post-deployment] was considered a potential major factor for PTSD…In a study of National Guard reservists …nearly all subjects reported one or more PTSD-specific symptoms 1 and 6 months after returning from the Persian Gulf area.” (Possibilities for Unexplained Chronic Illnesses Among Reserve Units Deployed in Operation Desert Shield/Desert Storm. Southern Medical Journal, December 1996.)

             The VA has done nothing about it.  I question the practice of commissioning reports and conducting studies if you’re not going to apply what you’ve learned. Perhaps rather than forking out another $5-10 million for another study to define a problem that somehow never fully gets defined, much less treated, you could use that same amount of money to fund community-based centers providing our military families and veterans three years of the free services that they are begging for – individual, high touch, weekend and evening, experiential, off-post – but aren’t currently available.

Perhaps in addition to soliciting the fee-for-service advice of people with Ph.D.’s in Psychology, you could commission the people with Doctorates in Deployment, the military families and veterans who have lived with it, worked with it and walked through it.  They know what’s needed, what helps, and what the emerging issues are.  I knew the suicide rates of citizen soldiers who served in Iraq were going to be off the charts when I started hearing from their family members more than two years ago. 

Although it stands to reason that the branch of service with the highest rates of PTSD would be the same one with the highest rates of suicide, it seems that the Department of Veterans Affairs had to do a formal analysis in order to determine that citizen soldiers are more likely to kill themselves as war veterans. A Military Citizens Advisory Panel could likely have saved lives, dollars and years of pain.

“How Do You Mourn for Someone Who Isn’t Dead?”

After our loved ones return from deployments that have all the precursors for post-combat mental health issues, (civilian casualties, longer than six months, significant combat exposure, enlisted rank, citizen soldier, loss of unit support post-combat, etc.) we’re given a pamphlet and told to “give it time.” While we’re reading and waiting, we’re losing our veterans, our marriages, and our families. One former spouse said:

This war cost me my family. When my husband returned from Iraq it quickly became apparent he was suffering from PTSD. He became increasingly verbally and mentally abusive to not only my daughter and I, but many of his subordinates at work who either quit or he had fired. He refused to admit he had a problem, and since the military does no mental status follow-up [for Reservists] he hasn't received any treatment for his condition. As a consequence, my family is destroyed. My son isn't being raised by his dad and my daughter lost the only father she knew. I know a divorce isn't as bad as losing my husband to death, but I can honestly say the man I married died in Iraq.

We are also given the option of five free sessions with a civilian provider.  Here’s what one Guard wife wrote about that:

When my husband returned from Iraq, we were offered five free “helping” sessions- they were careful to stress that it was not counseling or therapy- after which, we were on our own. In our first session, my husband talked about the nightmares, the sounds that would trigger a flashback or a rush of fear. Our “helper” chose to focus that particular session on….our financial situation. She was a civilian, and was thoroughly unfamiliar with any of the issues facing military families, much less returning vets.

And so, my husband entered private therapy, at a cost of $85.00 a week which we often didn’t have. I was no longer a part of this process. The impact of his deployments on our family was no longer addressed. We were simply supposed to continue on as if nothing had changed. But we had been changed. Rob came back hardened, angry. I was angry myself, bitter and resentful. We both experienced PTSD.

Any reminder of his deployment, such as hearing about a group deploying or returning from Iraq, would send me into sobbing panic attacks. I experience what I called “home-front flashbacks”, sudden overwhelming feelings of isolation, fear, depression, helplessness, triggered by commercials, news stories, or a particular song on the radio. What use were these “helping sessions” when our “helper” had no concept of what life was like for a military family?

This is what life is like for another military family living with a combat veteran:

Back in May, Kyle suffered a PTSD dis-associative state of mind [and] held me at knife point [and] wouldn't let me leave; he had me and our family sitting on the floor and was speaking to us in Arabic. This ordeal lasted about an hour and a half. He calmed down with the help of a Vietnam veteran friend [on] the phone… I took the kids next door and … the police showed up, woke my husband and arrested him.

The veteran’s unresolved traumatic re-enactment resulting in domestic violence – which is at least three to five times more prevalent in households with combat veterans - is the nucleus of intergenerational trauma, which the children and grandchildren of these veterans will live with for the rest of their lives. There are countless military family members suffering in silence all across America.  The wife of one profoundly injured Marine with polytrauma asked, “How do you mourn for someone who isn’t dead?” The physical, financial, emotional and psychological challenges faced by these caregivers are immense, and they have little – if any – support from the system. (“How the US is failing its war veterans.” Don Ephron and Sarah Childress, Newsweek, March 5, 2007.)

The greatest grief is borne by the Gold Star families, and often the parents and siblings have little, if any, support.  If the parents are divorced, one inevitably gets pushed aside.  This was the case for a grieving mother who contacted me, desperate for help for herself and her surviving sons, she told me, “I will spend the rest of my life in a mild state of depression.”  Another Gold Star mom wrote:

My son, Spec Jeremy W. McHalffey served in the Army National Guard and was killed in Iraq, January 4, 2005.  Jeremy's older brother Michael will never get over losing his brother. Jeremy owned a home in Little Rock, Arkansas and I planned to retire there in 5 years to live near both my sons. I don't want to retire to a grave site. We plan a family vacation to the shore each year. We have spent 3 years without Jeremy and it never gets any better.

But, “the military health system lacks the fiscal resources and the fully trained personnel to fulfill its mission to support psychological health” of the troops and their families, according to a Department of Defense mental health task force report released in June of 2007. 

When I went to the VA, I spoke with a program officer, who said, “It’s the wife’s responsibility to set the tone for the whole household.” A veteran’s advocate asked me, “Why don’t you take care of him?” The VA’s mental health professionals preach to the wives about resilience, but they aren’t the ones being woken up at three in the morning because their husband has shot the dog, or is holding a gun to your head, or a knife at your throat. 

Expecting the wife or family member to treat the veteran violates the professional standard prohibiting family members from treating their own; places the burden of care on the family; creates a highly unfair and unethical expectation that we are trained mental health providers; discounts our reality; excuses the VA from fulfilling its responsibility to our veterans; and places an immoral burden upon the family member, who is likely already suffering undue mental health and financial consequences as the result of having their loved one deployed.

The legacy of guilt and self-blame this creates is profound.  Virtually every family member I have talked to who lost their veteran due to suicide or divorce has said, “I thought if I loved him enough, I could fix him.”  That the VA and the military continues to lay this on the wives and family members, in practice, if not in policy, is a gross moral and ethical violation and an abdication of responsibility.

It Is a Covenant, and It Has Been Betrayed.

After being denied care, having their symptoms dismissed, or put on waiting lists of up to half a year, dozens of Guard/Reserve veterans have committed suicide, including Jonathan Schulze, Jeffrey Lucey, Chris Dana, Tim Bowman, and Joshua Omvig.  Given the documented failure (CBS News, November 2007) of the Veteran’s Administration to track and disclose veteran’s suicide rates in a timely and forthright manner, and the fact that they don’t monitor Guard and Reserve, it is extremely likely that the actual number is in the hundreds, if not a thousand or more.

When the VA repeatedly proves to us that we cannot trust them to take care of our loved ones, we feel betrayed.  The 60% of military family members of a veteran who has served in Iraq or Afghanistan and say that the war in Iraq was not worth the cost feel betrayed. (Los Angeles Times/Bloomberg poll, December, 2007) When our loved ones are committing suicide after they are refused treatment by the VA, we feel betrayed.  When the Army’s mouthpiece, Col. Elspeth Ritchie, says, “People don’t tend to suicide as a direct result of combat…failed personal relationships are the primary cause,” then goes on to further blame military families by stating, “Families are getting tired.  Therefore, they’re more irritable, sometimes they don’t take care of each other the way they should, are not as nurturing as they should be.” (Associated Press, 2008) WE FEEL BETRAYED.

There is no dictionary large enough to describe what you feel when you learn that your loved one has fought, died, been wounded, is on the ground or on alert to return to fight in a war that was launched on 935 lies. (The Center for Public Integrity, and the Fund for Independence in Journalism.) 

According to the wife of an Ohio National Guardsman:

My husband served with his National Guard Unit on Victory Base during 2004. [He] was deployed six months after our wedding... Neither of us believed that this war was just … The rage and anger at the sacrifices being asked of military families, coupled with the severe emotional strain of worrying about my husband in Iraq pushed me to a breaking point. We were able to receive a hardship discharge for him to come home because [of] my severe depression and anxiety…The shadows of the war are omnipresent in our lives still. We both seek therapy.

             Mental health experts refer to this as betrayal trauma, which occurs when “the people or institutions we depend on for survival violate us in some way. Betrayal, as a form of deception, is the breaking or violation of a presumptive social contract (trust) that produces moral and psychological conflict within a relationship amongst individuals, between organizations or between individuals and organizations.” (Wikipedia)

When it is life and death and your loved one on the line, when your husband, father, mother, brother, daughter or son is fighting for country and Constitution, military service is no mere contract.  It is a covenant, and it has been betrayed.

The Guard and their families are keeping their promise to this country.  It’s time for this country, and the VA, to keep its promises to them.  Please provide our veterans and families the mental health care and services they deserve.

Closing Remarks:

One of the most critical elements in promoting the short- and long-term wellness of the combat veteran is the military family.  Yet, Guard and Reserve families are generally left to fend for themselves during and after deployments.  In order for the VA to genuinely care for America’s veterans, it must attend to the needs of the families who are left behind during combat deployments, enduring the stress, trauma, violence and grief of war, struggle with marriage and family cohesion and reintegration, and serve as the first line of support for the soldier during deployment and for the veteran upon his/her return. 

However, within the Veterans Administration, treatment benefits are tied to the veteran. Military spouses cannot access services at the VA until their soldier has acknowledged his/her trauma, registered with the appropriate agency, and provided paperwork/given permission for the spouse to receive assistance or attend a support group, which may or may not be available at that time. 

The majority of the affected families/loved ones (parents, children, siblings, significant others, etc.) are beyond the scope and scale of mental health care and services provided by the military, the Veterans Administration, and Vet Centers.  Military ONE Source allows for a maximum of six visits, and Guard/Reserve families, extended family members, siblings and unmarried partners and significant others of the soldier’s family often do not have private insurance, cannot afford the co-pay or out-of-pocket expense, and are unable to find an adequate mental health provider. Few accept TRI-CARE (military medical plan); fewer still have the experience, training and awareness to address the particular needs of the military community during a time of war.  Such inadequacies put the health, well-being and future of military family members and their veterans at risk.

Gaps in Mental Health Services for Families of Guard/Reserve Veterans:

  1. Mental health resources available for military family members are typically designated for active duty dependents.
  2. Counseling/support is tied to the veteran, who may or may not be seeking services AND may or may not be willing to provide permission required in order for spouse to obtain care.
  3. General disregard for veteran impact on family, reintegration issues, and effect of combat-trauma on family members during and after deployment.
  4. DOD/VA subcontractors are often civilian providers with no previous experience with military families or therapeutic skill in counseling individuals struggling with the psychological stressors and strains of all phases of combat deployments.
  5. No programs available for parents, extended family members, or gender-friendly events for male spouses/ partners of female Reservists.
  6. No weekend or night sessions, when Guard/families are typically available.
  7. Lack of ad hoc or informal support opportunities.
  8. No exposure to wives/parents/military family members/veterans who have lived through combat deployments.
  9. Virtually no services available in rural areas.
  10. No regular phased follow-up i.e. 6, 12, 18, 24 months post-deployment.
  11. Attempting to apply active duty models to citizen soldiers fails to recognize and address challenges and issues unique to families of citizen soldiers.

RECOMMENDATIONS (Annotated – Proposals Available Upon Request)

The Military Citizens Advisory Panel (MCAP):

Real support for citizen soldier veterans and their loved ones cannot be achieved without the perspectives of those who are directly affected by combat deployments.  It is critical that the expertise and experience of military citizens, i.e. family members from all branches of services, retired active duty and reserve, combat and non-combat veterans, etc., who are able to speak about the realities of being a veteran, the effects of combat deployments, and the battles that begin when the war comes home, is brought into the policy, program and oversight processes of the Veterans Affairs Committee. Because they are the people they represent, the Panel members primary concern is for service men and women, their families and communities, and the veterans of the Armed Forces. They know first – and most accurately – what is occurring with our veterans, the shortfalls in care and services, emerging issues, suggestions for improvement.

Peer-to-Peer Support Groups:   Peer counseling prior to/during/after deployment by wives of combat veterans/military families/parents/combat veterans.

Implement Adopt-A-Family program - Involve community members in taking a Guard/Reserve family under its wing thoughout all phases of combat deployment.

Conduct Home Visits: Many Guard/Reserve families lack transportation or cannot easily travel to Guard Armories, and approximately 40% of veterans live in rural areas.

Fund Community-Based Weekend Retreats/Experiential Programs & Non-Clinical Services, including:

  • Veteran Mentoring/Peer Counseling
  • Family Group Counseling
  • Off post readjustment/reintegration counseling for families of wounded warriors
  • Grief Counseling for Gold Star families
  • Developmentally-appropriate play therapy for children
  • Respite & Bereavement Support: Taking care of the caregivers
  • Outdoor/Experiential Programs

Develop & Implement Family-Systems Theory Programs/Services

By definition, a family system functions because it is a unit, and every family member plays a critical, if not unique, role in the system. As such, it is not possible that one member of the system can change without causing a ripple effect of change throughout the family system. (Source Unknown)  “The entire family suffers when a Veteran’s mental health needs are not acknowledged and resolved; it can strain even the strongest of marriages.  ...the longer the problem is not treated, the complicated the treatment becomes due to complications that arise from the lack of treatment.  As a result, our families suffer through crisis on a daily basis.” (LTC Carol Seger, WAARNG State Family Programs Director, August 20, 2007)

FAST FACTS: National Guard & Reserve Veterans and Their Families

  1. Since the onset of military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, more than 400,000 members of the National Guard and Reserve have served in the Middle East (counting each deployment as unique), and more than 600,000 have been mobilized since 2001. (Office of the Under Secretary of Defense, September 2007).
  2. Assuming that each of those troops has seven immediate relatives–such as parents/step-parents, spouses/partners/significant others, siblings and children–the wars have closely affected more than 2,800,000 Guard/Reserve family members. (Formula adapted from “War’s Invisible Wounds.” Zak Stambor, APA Monitor on Psychology, Vol. 37, No.1, January 2006.)
  3. Almost 50 percent of the Guard and Reserve who have served in Iraq are experiencing combat-related mental health problems, as are 38 percent of Soldiers, and 31 percent of Marines. (“An Achievable Vision: Report of the Department of Defense Task Force on Mental Health” June 2007, Defense Health Board, Falls Church, VA, p.6)
  4. National Guard and Reserve troops who have fought in Iraq and Afghanistan make up more than half of veterans who committed suicide after returning home from those wars.” (The Associated Press, February 2008).
  5. No U.S. forces have ever been compelled to stay in sustained combat conditions for as long as the Army units have in Iraq. In World War II, soldiers were considered combat-exhausted after about 180 days in the line.” (Lieutenant General William E. Odom, (Ret.) 05 July 2007)

Key Issues: Impacts of Combat Deployments on Military Families.

·      The Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) released a study looking at families of enlisted Army troops with verified reports of child maltreatment.  The report revealed that among female civilian spouses, the rate of maltreatment during deployment was more than three times greater; the rate of child neglect was almost four times greater; and the rate of physical abuse was nearly twice as great.  (“Child Maltreatment in Enlisted Soldiers’ Families During Combat-Related Deployments”  Deborah A. Gibbs, MSPH; Sandra L. Martin, PhD; Lawrence L. Kupper, PhD; Ruby E. Johnson, MS. JAMA 2007; 298: 528-535; Vol. 298 No.5, August 1, 2007)

·  School counselors, teachers, therapists and military family members report that a growing number of military kids are exhibiting social, emotional, and behavioral problems during and after deployments.  These problems are intensified if their soldier returns with a physical or psychological wound. (“Communication is Key for Children of Deploying Parents”  Bilyana Atova, Army News Service, August 15, 2007)

·      Divorce and separation rates among returning Iraq war veterans are fast approaching double the rate of peacetime divorces. (“Deployments Stress Marriages.” Christine Metz, Lawrence Journal-World & News, October 8, 2007) The wife and child(ren) of the veteran suffer significant impacts of separation/divorce, including a major drop in household income, stress and expense of re-location, loss of friends, loss of sense of identity/connection to military, etc, in addition to the usual stressors associated with the dissolution of a marriage and the break-up of a family.

·     According to the Miles Foundation (hometown.aol.com/milesfdn), domestic abuse in military households is already five times greater than the rate of civilian domestic abuse, and the numbers do not take into account assaults that occurred off-base, or involving domestic partnerships/common law spouses, etc.  It has been shown repeatedly that violence in the home and on military bases and installations increases during wartime, and spikes in the first year post-deployment, as evidenced in the spate of spousal murders at Ft. Bragg in the first months of redeployment from Afghanistan. 

·     Preliminary research, self-reports and anecdotal information suggest that upwards of 30% of military family members are exhibiting war-related “secondary trauma,” which shares some of the same symptoms as a full-blown diagnosis of post traumatic stress disorder, including emotional withdrawal, increased anxiety, depression and poor anger management.

·      With an unprecedented wound-to-kill ratio of nearly 16 to 1 and the prevalence of Traumatic Brain Injury (TBI) parents (particularly mothers), spouses, grandparents and siblings are becoming the primary caregiver of their grievously injured veteran and have scant support or services.

War IS a Women’s Issue, Senator Clinton

by Stacy Bannerman

I spoke with Senator Clinton back in 2006, when I spent almost three months spearheading Operation House Call, a daily vigil in the summer sauna of Capitol Hill, with a growing number of combat boots representing what Congress’s decision to “stay the course” in Iraq was costing our troops. The Senator is smaller and softer in person than she is on TV, but I guess that’s the benefit of living in the political and financial Green Zone that affords the luxury of denial; that insulates and isolates an elected official from having to face the human and domestic costs of war.

In an effort to cement herself as the candidate of choice for working- and middle-class women, Senator Hillary Clinton is reaching out to those constituencies by touting issues like child care, Social Security and health care. Speaking to audiences of women political activists, she focuses almost exclusively on domestic policy, framing her presentations in terms of family, health and home, rarely, if ever, addressing foreign policy. Perhaps Hillary thinks women shouldn’t worry their pretty little heads about things like war; that women should just leave that up to the men folk. Or perhaps it’s because the Senator has no real grasp on precisely how the seemingly-interminable occupation of Iraq and the repeat, extended deployments are destroying the American home front.

As the (separated) wife of an Iraq war veteran, and a card-carrying member of Military Families Speak Out, I have no buffer. I live daily with the fall-out from this war, I hear regularly from the women who are suffering in silence, rambling e-mails dripping with the psychic blood that is being shed all over this nation, long phone calls from weeping wives, worried about their children, their husbands and their families, but rarely, if ever, themselves. We are America’s uncounted, unrecognized collateral damage, left to fend for ourselves in a system that denies our experience and dismisses our existence.

Our numbers include: the mother in Seattle who is caring for - and bearing witness to - the grief and despair and suicidal thoughts of her young son who left blood, brains and body parts in the sands of Iraq; The wife of an Iraq war veteran who held her at knifepoint in front of the children while speaking in Arabic in a PTSD-induced disassociative fugue; the wife and child who are living in the dining room of a friend’s house because her husband, a veteran, is in jail after bringing home weapons (not unusual) and the military has cut off his pay; the wife who has endured multiple violent assaults by her husband, whom the VA has discontinued treatment for because he’s been issued orders for another tour in Iraq; the sister who is taking care of her brother with severe traumatic stress on a waitresses salary because his parents kicked him out and the VA won’t help and he’s got nowhere else to go.

Among the “acceptable losses” is the wife who asked, “How do you grieve for someone who isn’t dead?” She is the primary caretaker of her Marine, suffering severe polytraumas, while also taking care of their three children and her elderly mother. Another casualty is the wife of Oregon Army Reserve Supply Sergeant Matthew Denni, whose PTSD contributed to him butchering his bride and stuffing her corpse in a footlocker.

We’re branded “unpatriotic” if we talk about this in public. When we dare to tell the truth, we are slammed and slandered for being anti-military and not supporting the troops. Our loved ones are the troops. Without them - and, make no mistake about it, us, the women who were drafted when our loved ones enlisted and are serving without pay, support or recognition on the home front - there would be no military. And now we’ve got a female Presidential candidate who is trying to secure the women’s vote by talking to women about “women’s issues,” like family, and children and health care, but refuses to address the domestic disaster that is descending upon military families across this country as the direct result of America’s foreign policy. Senator Clinton, aren’t we women, too?

Stacy Bannerman, M.S., is the author of When the War Came Home: The Inside Story of Reservists and the Families They Leave Behind, (Continuum Publishing, 2006). She can be contacted at stacy@stacybannerman.com.

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Iraq Veterans Deserve More Than Post-Combat Negligence

By Stacy Bannerman
Special to The Seattle Times

Sunday 14 October 2007

WHEN the appalling conditions at Walter Reed Army Medical Center were made public, accompanied by grim photos of moldy walls, crumbling ceilings and dirty, bug-infested rooms, it sparked a national outcry and immediate action. Unfortunately, it has been comparatively quiet about the nearly 300 Iraq war veterans who have committed suicide, and thousands more who have attempted it.

America cannot afford the price of failing to care for veterans with combat-related mental-health problems. The systemic breakdown in mental-health care is so profound that military families and veterans groups have filed lawsuits against the Department of Veterans Affairs. Veterans for Common Sense and Veterans United for Truth have filed a class-action suit on behalf of Iraq and Afghanistan veterans who are dealing with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The suit claims there are as many as "800,000 Iraq and Afghanistan veterans said to suffer or risk developing PTSD." The groups charge the VA with collaborating with the Pentagon to avoid paying PTSD benefits.

Joyce and Kevin Lucey of Belchertown, Mass., are suing the VA for negligence, contending that their son Jeffrey, a Marine Reservist, hanged himself after the military refused to treat his post-traumatic stress disorder.

Yet, in conversations about the dire state of care for deployment-related trauma, the question I am most often asked is some variation of "Why should I care?"

Not so long ago, I believed that when it came to veterans' assistance, demonstrated need was justification for treatment. I thought that the unprecedented number of troops returning from Iraq with post-combat mental problems — 31 to 48 percent, compared with the estimated 30 percent for Vietnam veterans — was evidence enough.

Because this country drapes itself in the flag of family values, I thought the increased divorce rates among U.S. troops might be sufficient motivation. I presumed that the growing body of evidence attesting to the skyrocketing rates of child abuse, neglect and maltreatment during combat-related deployments would be enough to spur this nation to tend to the invisible wounds of war.

I imagined that the escalating incidents of post-deployment domestic violence and murder — domestic abuse in military households is around five times the civilian rate — would seal the deal. And then there are the public health and community costs incurred when the police, fire and emergency medical technicians are called. The costs escalate more when the courts get involved, when guardians for the children are assigned, supervised visitation is required and foster-home placements have to be made.

I figured that making good on this nation's commitment to support the troops, and keeping America's promise to take care of our veterans, would be sufficient closing arguments.

I was wrong. It seems that the double bottom line on most Americans' minds is economic and national security, both of which are compromised by negligent post-combat care.

According to the Department of Labor, the unemployment rate for young Iraq war veterans is triple that of their civilian counterparts. Almost half of the 425,000 citizen soldiers who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan experience deployment-related mental-health problems, according to the Department of Defense Mental Health Task Force.

Because their post-combat mental-health care is limited or nonexistent, when citizen soldiers return to their civilian jobs, they bring their psychological problems along.

In Washington and other states with large concentrations of civilian veterans in the work force, untreated war trauma means higher turnover, increased absenteeism, elevated health-care and human-resources costs, and reductions in performance and productivity. It also means a diminished tax base, lower housing values and fewer consumers.

Those things may be the least of our worries. The No. 1 reason for military attrition is untreated mental-health problems, according to the Journal of the American Medical Association. If we don't take care of the troops who have seen combat, they will, quite literally, not be available to take care of us.

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America’s Military Kids Are Latest Collateral Damage
by Stacy Bannerman
August 6, 2007

The children of the troops serving in Iraq are experiencing significant collateral damage at home, according to two staggering new reports on the occurrence of child maltreatment, neglect, and abuse during combat-related deployments.

The results of a three-year study recently published in the American Journal of Epidemiology stated: “War has a profound emotional impact on military personnel and their families. The rate of occurrence of substantiated maltreatment in military families was twice as high [during] deployment.” Most victims were four years old or younger and the perpetrator was usually the civilian parent who remained at home while a spouse was deployed.

An even greater finding of abuse was uncovered in a similar study published last week in the Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA). Looking at families of enlisted Army troops with verified reports of child maltreatment, the study found: “Among female civilian spouses, the rate of maltreatment during deployment was more than three times greater; the rate of child neglect was almost four times greater; and the rate of physical abuse was nearly twice as great.”

Skyrocketing stress levels in the parent left behind are one of the key factors contributing to elevated rates of neglect and abuse, according to the research. The JAMA study found that the primary offenders were non-Hispanic white civilian females, who, according to other informal surveys and anecdotal reports, are also reporting higher rates of secondary post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). War-related “secondary trauma” shares some of the same symptoms as a full-blown diagnosis, including emotional withdrawal, increased anxiety, and poor anger management.

The extended deployments of 15 months or more and the reduced dwell time in between deployments are also exacerbating tensions on the home front. Another issue is the Army’s rather haphazard approach to providing respite childcare, family support, and prevention services and education.

“The Army is not really grasping what’s going on with the kids,” said Beth Pyritz, a 27-year-old mother of five whose husband, an Army specialist, returned to Iraq in June. It’s his third deployment in six years, and this time he’ll be gone for at least 15 months. His previous tour-of-duty lasted 10 months, during which time their six-year-old began acting out, and their eldest, an Honor Roll student, failed a grade.

Military kids are experiencing social, emotional, behavioral and academic problems that range from mild to severe, including bed-wetting, anti-social behavior, and juvenile delinquency. In the most acute cases, adolescents have been placed in psych wards or put on suicide watch while their parents were at war.

Well over one million children have had a parent deployed in combat since 2001, but there are few developmentally appropriate programs available, and the Veterans Administration and Vet Centers do not serve individual family members. The Army does provide some voluntary resources, such as Family Readiness Groups, but these are clearly not enough. And although the TV series, “Army Wives,” portrays a close-knit group of women on base, the reality can be quite a bit different. Beth’s family has been stationed at Ft. Eustis in Virginia for less than a year, and she says, “There’s not a lot of camaraderie with the wives.”

Resources and support, both formal and informal, are even fewer and further between for the families and children of the more than 400,000 National Guard and Reservists who have been deployed. Five years into the war in Iraq, and the military is just now beginning to recognize that these citizen soldiers and their families are struggling with different challenges from those experienced by active duty troops, and have often been more detrimentally affected by long deployments.

At the state and local level, some are taking steps to help these families cope. While the Washington State Department of Veterans Affairs is just beginning to conduct research on the impact of deployments in Guard families, particularly the ways in which schoolchildren aged 6-12 have been affected, a Boston-based group is piloting a program for families of citizen soldiers who served in Iraq or Afghanistan. Strategic Outreach to Families of All Reservists (SOFAR) provides psychotherapy at no cost for the parents and the kids. Jaine Darwin, a psychologist who co-founded the service, said, “Unlike regular Army children who tend to be in a school with other Army children, the children of Reservists are more isolated and have … no one focusing on helping them to cope.”
For the littlest ones, who are most often the targets of maltreatment, immediate intervention is especially critical. The early years are the formative ones, and the mother-child interaction in the first 18-24 months of life literally helps shape the growth and development of the prefrontal cortex of the child’s brain. When that relationship is defined by neglect and abuse, the brain lobes responsible for higher intelligence, creativity, and adaptability, will be under-developed. So while the doubling—or more—of child maltreatment that occurs when a parent is in a combat zone is deeply disturbing in and of itself, it also has significant, long-lasting social ramifications. It certainly gives new meaning to that old bumper sticker: War is Not Healthy for Children and Other Living Things.

Think not forever of yourselves, O chiefs, nor of your own generation. Think of continuing generations of our families, think of our grandchildren and of those yet unborn, whose faces are coming from beneath the ground.” Peacemaker, Founder of the Iroquois Confederacy, circa 1000 AD.

 

Support the Troops?  My Ass.

Stacy Bannerman
Published on Huffington Post
July 16, 2007 

As a charter Board member of Military Families Speak Out www.mfso.org, I’ve been supporting the troops by advocating for veterans and protesting the policy that got our military into – and is keeping us in – Iraq for almost five years.  I’d say America, but when less than one percent of this country is bearing the burden of the war in Iraq, it’s not really a collective, national endeavor, now is it?  The military is at war; the vast majority of this nation is scrambling to purchase an iPhone and conducting “business as usual.”

I have not, as of yet, resorted to any type of profanity in my activism.  But I have reached a point where, to paraphrase Nancy Pelosi, the Speaker of the House: “Political correctness is off the table.”  There is not now, nor has there ever been, anything politically correct about the invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq.  And I am no longer able to be tolerant of the flagrant manipulation and misuse of the phrase “Support the troops,” which is being hijacked to serve political agendas.

Support the troops?  My ass.  When I hear that slogan being bandied about by civilians and politicians who don’t have anyone in the Armed Services, I ask them, “What, precisely, have you done to support the troops?”

I have yet to hear a single response from any American who doesn’t have a loved one in harm’s way that demonstrates any concrete action, any significant sacrifice whatsoever.  Perhaps they’ve been too busy shopping.

As for the politicians that I have met with over the past four years - on my own dime and time - when I can actually get their attention, the responses are underwhelming. That military family’s and veteran’s requests to meet with their Representatives are being turned down with greater frequency now than when the war began speaks volumes.  The fact that Senator John Warner, Chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee, has reneged upon and subsequently refused every single request for a meeting made by Military Families Speak Out, screams of betrayal.

(For a recap of the scheduled meeting that didn’t happen, go to http://www.stacybannerman.com/articles-commentary.shtml#Anchor-47857)

The Republicans, who are trying to brand themselves as the “Family Values/Keep America Safe/Support the Troops” party recently blocked a bill put forth by Virginia Democrat Jim Webb, who’s got a son in Iraq, which would have placed strict limits on National Guard and reserve deployments as well as mandating more downtime at home before active-duty combat troops are returned to battle. (Bob Geiger, July 11, 2007)

So the folks who’ve never served, with no family members in uniform, presume to know better than those of us that do? Wow.  That’d be like me, someone without kids, telling parents how to parent. 

And if they support they troops, then it follows that they’d listen to the top-ranking military officers, like retired General Barry McCaffrey, who said, “We are in trouble in Iraq. Our forces can’t sustain this pace, and I’m afraid the American people are walking away from this war.”

  Professing to support the troops means implementing policies that actually support them.  But apparently that’s too much to ask.

According to the Associated Press, “The Defense Department put U.S. troops in Iraq at risk by awarding contracts for badly needed armored vehicles to companies that failed to deliver them on schedule, according to a review by the Pentagon's inspector general.” (July 11, 2007)

 An investigation by USA Today revealed that the Pentagon repeatedly refused appeals from officers in Iraq to “provide the life-saving Mine Resistant Ambush Protected vehicle, or MRAP, for patrols and combat.” (July 16, 2007)

My husband is an Iraq war veteran, and like tens of thousands of others, our marriage has been broken by this war. In part because the National Guard had no post-combat mental health programs in place, in part because:

No U.S. forces have ever been compelled to stay in sustained combat conditions for as long as the Army units have in Iraq. In World War II, soldiers were considered combat-exhausted after about 180 days in the line. They were withdrawn for rest periods. Moreover, for weeks at a time, large sectors of the front were quiet, giving them time for both physical and psychological rehabilitation. (Lieutenant General William E. Odom, (Ret.) 05 July 2007)

Yet Congress keeps sending them back, extending deployments, abandoning our veterans, destroying our military families and continuing an unwinnable occupation.

            Democrats and Republicans alike have jockeyed for position in the political horse race by cloaking themselves in the colors of “Supporting the Troops.” They do this while voting for funding and policies that clearly undermine America’s men and women in uniform, and the families that keep the home fires burning.

         It’s time for the people who were elected to serve as the “people’s representatives” to come out from behind that camouflage line, and show some real “support for the troops.”

 

 

Stacy Bannerman is the author of When the War Came Home: The Inside Story of Reservists and the Families They Leave Behind, (Continuum Publishing, 2006). She is the wife of an Iraq War veteran, and is currently working to establish The Sanctuary for Veterans & Families (501.c.3) in western Washington www.sanctuaryvf.org.  She can be contacted at stacy@stacybannerman.com.

 

 

After Half a Year on the Hill: What I Know For Sure
by Stacy Bannerman
April 16th, 2007

            I’ve been in Washington D.C. since February 4th, my longest deployment yet in four years of the battle to end the war in Iraq. I have spent half of the past 12 months, cumulatively, stationed in our nation’s capital. I was here in May of 2006 to take on Richard Perle for the documentary “The Case for War,” airing Tuesday, April 17, as part of PBS’s America at the Crossroads series.

            A few weeks later, Congress voted to “stay the course” in Iraq, and I returned to launch Operation House Call to show them exactly what “staying the course” cost the troops and military families. For about eight weeks, I and other military and Gold Star family members stood in front of the Cannon House building, weathering torrential rains and record-setting heat and humidity with a growing number of empty combat boots. We met with dozens of politicians and staffers, many of whom said, “We can’t do anything, we’re the minority party.”

            I was in D.C. when that officially changed on January 4th, 2007. Several weeks later, Speaker Pelosi bragged, “there’s a new Congress in town.” Now, after ten weeks on the Hill, here’s what I know for sure:

            When members were ‘released’ to vote for the supplemental appropriations bill, the “Out of Iraq” Caucus became the “Stay in Iraq” caucus. New branding materials are in the works.

            When the people that got elected on a strong anti-war platform voted to continue the war, they broke a sacred trust with their constituents. Keith Ellison (D-MN), Jim McGovern (D-MA) et. al., clean out your desks and return the keys to your offices. Immediately.

            When Congressman Jim McDermott (D-WA), a long-time, outspoken opponent of the war, cannot look me in the face as he passes by on his way to vote for the war, I know that he knows that what he’s doing is wrong.

            The rationalizations for continuing to fund the war under the patently false guise of “supporting the troops” are just a different page from the same book that was used to build the case for war.

            The verbal gymnastics involved in explaining an increasingly deadly and futile occupation are yet another indication that the policy is fundamentally flawed. A moral good requires no justification.

            Repeatedly telling me that you never got my written requests for a meeting before relenting and whipping out your hard copy of my letter greatly annoys me and makes you a liar.

            A bully in a blue suit is a bully in a blue suit, regardless of the color of the tie.

            The majority of politicians, like far too many Americans, are primarily - often exclusively - concerned about their own immediate self-interests. They will act accordingly, even when it causes harm to others or violates their professed values.

            That President Bush refuses to heed the calls of the troops on the ground, the people of America and Iraq, and the advice of top military and policy experts, while repeating patently false statements about the war speaks volumes about him. That he is still in office speaks volumes about us.

            We have got the politicians we deserve.

            When the office of the Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi (D-CA), specifically requests that I research, write, and submit a full proposal for the establishment of the Military Citizens Advisory Panel (MCAP) -“modeled after Citizens Advisory Boards and Commissions, which are a staple of local, county and state government, the 9-12 member non-partisan panel will be comprised of a group of credible and diverse individuals with direct connections to the United States Armed Forces during the Iraq War and the war on terror.” - and I do, and then I come to D.C. at my own expense for follow-up meetings, I expect the Speaker’s office to follow up. What I do not expect is for them to dodge my calls, refuse to respond to e-mails, and ignore my appeals to discuss further development on the proposal that they asked me to prepare. Given what the MCAP represents, that’s not just rude, it’s politically stupid.

            The Senate Armed Services Committee should reconsider who’s testifying at hearings. Case Study 1, Exhibit A: Senate Armed Services Committee hearing on February 6, 2007, with Secretary of Defense Gates and General Peter Pace, Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff.

            When asked about the frequency of National Guard deployments, Gates said, “The plan is to have them deployed for just one year out of every five.” On January 11, 2007, the Pentagon (which, if I am not mistaken, is where Gates hangs out) lifted the time limit preventing Guard and Reservists from serving more than twenty-four total months on active duty in Iraq or Afghanistan. In early April, another 13,000 Guardsmen, including units that have been home for less than three years, we’re called up for round two, which, by the way, would be the new/now standard of 15 months.

            Case Study 1, Exhibit B: When Senator Susan Collins (D-MA), Ranking Member of the Senate Homeland Security Committee, expressed concerns about National Guard readiness and equipment, Gen. Pace assured her that he had full “confidence” in the preparedness of the Guard for Homeland Security. I wonder who was more surprised when, several weeks later, Lt. Gen. Steven Blum, head of the Pentagon's National Guard Bureau, said 88 percent of the Army National Guard in the United States is "woefully under equipped" to meet homeland security needs?

            Veterans better buy their own damn Band-Aids, because it doesn’t look like post-combat care is going to improve any time soon, according to the statement by Senator Akaka (D-HI), Chairman of the Senate Committee on Veterans’ Affairs:

            This is the committee’s second hearing on seamless transition. There is much talk about seamless transition, but it is far from clear that the talk is matched by effective action. This is not a new issue, but it seems … that there is more talk than action. We have entered the fifth year of this war. I cannot help but wonder why so many things are still being planned, still being discussed. Why is it that DOD and VA still can not make the handoff of wounded servicemembers more effectively? Why do budgets still not reflect that caring for veterans is part of the cost of war? (March 27, 2007)

             A nation that does not take care of its veterans has got no business whatsoever making new ones.

            My current tour-of-duty in D.C. will end soon, and I’m not sure if I’ll be back. Like the troops on the ground, I haven’t had a lot of time between deployments. And I doubt that I can stomach another go-round of fighting for meetings with – and action from - politicians and staffers whose message has become, “We don’t have to do anything. We’re the majority.”

 Stacy Bannerman is the author of When the War Came Home: The Inside Story of Reservists and the Families They Leave Behind, (Continuum Publishing, 2006). She is the wife of an Iraq War veteran, and is currently working to establish The Sanctuary for Veterans & Families (501.c.3) in northern Idaho. She can be contacted at her website www.stacybannerman.com.

Citizen Soldiers Didn't Volunteer for America's Broken Promises
by Stacy Bannerman
March 12th, 2007

            “They volunteered, didn’t they?”

            As the war in Iraq has gone from wrong to worse, that question, often delivered as a sneering statement, has become the fallback stance of folks who are attempting to silence the voices of those of us who actually have loved ones in uniform, or who died while wearing it. I love my country dearly, but sometimes it’s difficult to retain a feeling of love for my countrymen who have said, “They volunteered, didn’t they?” in an effort to shut up the growing numbers of military and Gold Star families who are speaking out against this war.

            More often than not, the phrase falls from the mouths of people who will send our fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, spouses and children to war, but blanch or literally roll their eyes at the suggestion that they send their own, or - heavens! - go themselves.

            Less than one percent of Americans are in the Armed Forces. Over 1.3 million US troops have served in Iraq, including upwards of 450,000 National Guard and Reservists, surpassing by hundreds of thousands the number of Guard and Reservists that have fought in any other foreign war in this nation’s history. In the early years of the occupation, my husband was stationed at LSA Anaconda with the Army National Guard’s 81st brigade, so I speak from that experience, my conversations with hundreds of military families, soldiers, and Iraq War veterans, and a ridiculous amount of research.

            I had to become something of a layman’s expert on the National Guard in order to navigate the stultifying military bureaucracy, advocate for our soldiers and veterans, and speak out against the war.

What Citizen Soldiers Signed Up For:

            What the television ad promised: “One weekend a month, two weeks a year. Earn money for college and protect your local community.” That’s what citizen soldiers signed up for. While they were certainly aware of the dual mission, they believed the recruiters who told them that they’d never get deployed; that the only way they’d see combat is “if World War III broke out.” Since 2001, “four out of five guardsmen have been sent overseas in the largest deployment of the National Guard since World War II.” (Stateline.org, January 12, 2007) Over 400 Army National Guard soldiers have died in Iraq, more than quadruple the amount that died in the entire Vietnam War.

            For more than half a century, the National Guard's policy regarding mobilization was that Guardsmen would be required to serve no more than one year cumulative on active duty (with no more than six months overseas) for each five years of regular drill. After September 11, 2001, the possible mobilization time was increased to 18 months (with no more than one year overseas). Then it was increased again, to 24 months. That policy was effectively abandoned by the Pentagon in January of 2007 because it’s the only way they can continue to redeploy Iraq War veterans/Reservists. “The cumulative number of days Guard soldiers … called to duty [rose] from 12.7 million in 2001 to 68.3 million in 2005.” (“Guard troops are called up.” Los Angeles Times, March 2007)

            The constant changes to policy, time and terms of deployment, extensions, stop-loss, etc, are, in fact, NOT what they signed up for when they took an oath to protect the Constitution from “threats both foreign and domestic.”

The Army National Guard's charter is the Constitution of the United States:

Title 10 U.S.C. 12301(a) provides that, in time of war or national emergency declared by the Congress, reserve components can be called to active duty.

1) Article I, Section 8; Clause 15: The Congress shall have Power ... To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions.

            The men and women who volunteered to serve their communities and country did so with the contractual guarantee that they would not be sent into the killing fields unless the aforementioned conditions were met. “There is a contract between the soldiers and their civilian leaders that they will be sent into harm’s way under lawful conditions. The Bush administration has broken that contract. Citizens are the soldiers only protection,” said Michael McPherson, Gulf War I veteran, and father of an Iraq War veteran.

Was There One Legitimate Reason for Invading Iraq?

            If you don’t know the answer to this by now, please see me after class. A functional democracy depends upon the engagement of an informed electorate.

Here are some Cliff notes:

  • Iraq had no weapons of mass destruction nor overwhelming capability to manufacture chemical/biological agents
  • No link between Saddam Hussein and the 9/11 attacks on America
  • No attempts by Hussein to purchase massive quantities of uranium yellowcake from Niger (see “What I Didn’t Find in Africa,” Joe Wilson, The New York Times, July 6, 2003; the Libby trial, etc.)
  • The Bush administration was “fixing the facts” to fit their case for war (see Downing Street memo)
  • The Pentagon Inspector General admitted they cooked the intelligence to start Iraq War (see Senate testimony, 2007)
  • The preemptive strike contradicted centuries of America’s professed and practiced foreign policy
  • Congress authorized use of force for Operation Iraqi Freedom based on faulty, manipulated intelligence
  • Congress has never issued a formal declaration of war in Iraq
  • A war of aggression violated the UN charter
  • US did NOT exhaust all diplomatic options with Iraq
  • The Bush administration did not wait for UN inspectors to complete search for elusive WMD’s,
  • Bin Laden was next door.
  • Apparently, he still is.

Promises, Promises:

            Dick Cheney said our soldiers would be greeted as liberators, and rose petals strewn in their path. Looking back, I think we can all agree: That went badly. The President told the troops they had his support, and they would have everything they needed, on the ground and after the war, including body armor, equipment, etc.

            The bulk of the troops in Iraq are Army, Army National Guard, and Reserves, and yet, they are grossly under funded, receiving approximately 17% of the DOD budget, with just 2-3% trickling to the Guard/Reserve. The severity of equipment shortages were brought to light by the Guard and Reservists in Iraq, and thousands of calls made to Congress by National Guardsmen and their families, pleading for body armor, fully up armored tanks and HMMV’s and other equipment. After four years, the problem has yet to be fully corrected.

            Instead, they keep sending our soldiers, while failing miserably at keeping their promise to take care of them when they come home. (“It Is Not Just Walter Reed,” The Washington Post, March 5, 2007) After having served some of the longest tours in Iraq, while their families waited, worried, and often suffered financial shortfalls or problems with receiving pay and benefits, our citizen soldiers come home, and bring the war with them. I wrote about this in “Broken by this War,” and want to expand on the following:

The tab so far: more than 3,000 dead U.S. troops, tens of thousands of wounded, over half a million Iraqi casualties, roughly 250,000 American servicemen and women struggling with PTSD, and almost 60,000 military marriages that have been broken by this war. Including mine.  

            Broken, which includes domestic abuse, spousal murder, suicide, internet porn addiction, divorce, separation, and estrangement. What does it say when a nation that prides itself on supporting the troops, shared sacrifice, and a commitment to children and family values continues to pass policies that directly and indirectly undercut them all?

Fault Lines on the Home Front:

            When Iraq was invaded in 2003, there were a combined total of almost 670,000 personnel in the Guard and Reserves, more than active duty Army, which had 499,301 soldiers. (DOD [309A] Sept. 30, 2003) According to the Department of Defense, approximately 51% of Army soldiers were married, as compared to nearly 60% of Guard and Reservists.

            The Pentagon’s Defense Manpower Data Center reveals that in the first years of the war, the annual divorce rate among active-duty Army officers and enlisted personnel nearly doubled, from 5,658 to 10,477. The increase is about 5,000 Army marriages per year, times four years, which totals 20,000 official divorces. That does not include active-duty Navy and Marines.

            If the Army divorce rate is applied to Guard/Reserve, (the number is probably higher because of increased PTSD rates [1], less preparation/support/care before, during, and after deployment, financial burdens, etc.), given that the total force strength of citizen soldiers is almost one-third higher than active-duty Army, AND almost 60% of Guard and Reservists are married (when averaged between branches) THEN, holding everything else equal, the annual increase in divorces among citizen soldiers would be roughly 8,000, times four years, equaling 32,000.

None of the estimates reflect Iraq war veterans whose military contracts expired prior to filing or finalization of divorce papers. Nor do they include the hundreds of divorces pending in the system, and several thousand other couples who are separated, but have not filed any paperwork, according to anecdotal reports, informal surveys, and conversations with dozens of military personnel and health care professionals. We aren’t official statistics, but things sure feel broken.

            As the war drags on, and soldiers are sent for their 3rd, 4th, and now 5th deployments, with the attendant risks and stressors involved, the fault lines that this war has created in too many – not all – of families will become chasms. Based on trends from previous wars, case studies, and information from marriage counselors, military families and soldiers, the rates of divorce and separation are rising, and available figures are “just the tip of the iceberg.”

            But divorce and separation aren’t the only things that break a marriage and shred the fabric of the family. In 2005, according to DOD figures, there were 16,400 cases of domestic violence reported, with 9,450 of them substantiated. That’s 14 cases for every 1,000 couples, compared with 3 per 1,000 among civilians. Domestic violence advocates contend that the figures are even higher than the DOD says. If military spouses live off-post—as do many active duty personnel, and virtually 100 percent of Guard/Reserves—and call the local police or shelter for assistance, they typically don’t show up in the military’s statistics. [2]

And consider that many soldiers spent all or part of 2004/2005 deployed and thus physically separated from their spouses. In every war, domestic abuse rates spike when troops return, up to and including murder.

Over the past several years, returning soldiers have turned their fists and guns on their families, and a number of married veterans have committed suicide. Army Special Forces soldier Bill Howell, back three weeks from Iraq, beat his wife, and then committed suicide. A recently returned soldier at Fort Lewis, Washington, "turned himself in... saying he had committed a homicide," according to the Seattle Post-Intelligencer. The Pierce County sheriff's department later found the soldier's 28-year-old wife dead "apparently from homicidal violence."

            Sergeant Matthew Denni served in Iraq with the 671st Engineer Army Reserve Company. During his trial, it was determined that PTSD contributed to him murdering his wife and stuffing her corpse in a footlocker.

Murder, suicide, domestic violence, abuse, internet porn addictions are all casualties of war, collateral damage that destroys marriages and families, but they won’t be found on the DOD’s list of divorces. So when I said that “almost 60,000 military marriages that have been broken by this war. Including mine,” I was being kind with the numbers. Yet some of the responses I got were hateful, intentionally hurtful, small-hearted and mean-spirited comments about “bad, selfish wives” and “stupid, irresponsible soldiers,” demonizing those of us who have suffered and sacrificed so much. Enough.

Veterans and their families are already struggling, with too few resources and support, to try and heal. And yes, “they volunteered,” but not for this, America. Not for this.




[1] A study conducted in 1996 on the impact of long-term overseas deployments of Guard and Reserve troops found that “Reservists were more vulnerable than regular service soldiers...for psychiatric breakdown. [And] being a Reservist, having low enlisted rank, and belonging to a support unit increased the risk for psychiatric breakdown...Many such personnel entertained little expectation that they would ever be called to active duty.”

Just eleven months after returning from Iraq, 46% of one Washington State Reserve Combat Engineer Company reported mental health problems, more than double the rates for regular enlisted.


[2] Rates of marital aggression are considerably higher than civilian rates, double, three to five times.-The War At Home, 60 Minutes, January 17, 1999; Heyman and Neidig. (1999). A comparison of spousal aggression prevalence rates in U.S. Army and civilian representative samples. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 67 (2), 239-242; Rosen, Brennan, Martin, and Knudson. (August 2002).  Intimate Partner Violence and US Army Soldiers in Alaska, Military Medicine; The War At Home, 60 Minutes, September 1, 2002. The Miles Foundation

Broken by This War
By Stacy Bannerman

Published by The Progressive
February 2007 Issue

I was folding fliers for a high school workshop on nonviolence when my husband, a mortar platoon sergeant with the Army National Guard 81st Brigade, walked into my office and said, “I got the call.”

We hadn’t talked about the possibility of him being deployed for months, not since President Bush had declared, “Mission accomplished.” But I knew exactly what he meant; I didn’t know then what it would mean for us.

We weren’t prepared, and neither was the Guard. The Guard sent him into harm’s way without providing some of the basic equipment and materials, such as global positioning systems, night vision gear, and insect repellant, that he would rely on during his year-long tour of duty at LSA Anaconda, the most-attacked base in Iraq, as determined by the sheer number of incoming rockets and mortars, which averaged at least five per day.

Unlike active duty military, the National Guard had no functional family support system or services in place. While the Guard was scrambling to get it together, my husband was already gone, and I was alone, just months after we had moved to Seattle.

Twenty-four hours after Lorin boarded the plane for Iraq, I hung a blue star service flag—denoting an immediate family member in combat—in the front window. Then I closed the blinds, hoping to keep the harbingers of death at bay. They still got in, through the phone, the Internet, the newspaper, and the TV.

Each week, I heard of a friend’s husband or son: wounded, maimed, shot, hit, hurt, burned, amputated, decapitated, detonated, dead. A glossary of pain. I checked icasualties.org all the time, cursing and crying as the numbers rose relentlessly, praying that Lorin wouldn’t be next.

I got involved with Military Families Speak Out, which is exactly what the name suggests: an organization of people with loved ones in uniform who are adamantly opposed to the war in Iraq. We were breaking the military’s traditional code of silence by publicly protesting this war, and the pushback was intense, particularly for military wives. I was ostracized by the women married to men in my husband’s company, and my husband was reprimanded by his superior officers. I was an “unruly spouse,” and Lorin could “expect adverse career consequences.”

I thought being forced to serve in a war based on lies was itself an “adverse consequence.” I said as much during an interview on Hardball with Chris Matthews, which just happened to be broadcast on the big-screen TV during lunchtime in the mess tent at Anaconda. Lorin didn’t see it, but approximately 5,000 of the troops he was serving with did. He heard about it for weeks, but never asked me to stop. He had his own questions and concerns about Operation Iraqi Freedom.

During the run-up to the war, when 76 percent of Americans supported the invasion of Iraq, we protested in the streets of Spokane. But he was contractually bound and committed to his men. He clung to what he’d been briefed on regarding the Guard’s mission in Iraq, which included building schools for kids.

Two months into his deployment, I got a call from him, and he said, choking up, that there was an “accident.” Two Iraqi children were dead because he gave the order to fire a couple of mortar rounds. Several weeks later, he phoned again, his voice flat and emotionless, to tell me that the men he had dinner with the previous night had been killed by the same Iraqi soldiers that they were training six hours earlier.

Days went by without any communication—anxious hours, restless nights. I swerved between anger and fear.

His e-mails were sometimes delayed, or returned to him as undeliverable, with portions blacked out by military censors. The ones that got through asked for more homemade treats, baby wipes, batteries, movies, and magazines. One missive informed me about rockets landing next to the trailer where he slept . . . while he was in bed. Another ended abruptly because he was under attack.

Lorin spent hours loading coffins onto cargo jets; I spent days on red alert.

Finally, the phone rang with the news that my husband was coming home, after nearly a year in Iraq. They didn’t tell me he’d bring the war with him.

He’d been back for almost two months, but he was still checking to see where his weapon was every time he got in a vehicle. He drove aggressively, talked aggressively, and sometimes I could swear that he was breathing aggressively. This was not the man I married, this hard-eyed, hyper-vigilant stranger who spent his nights watching the dozens of DVDs that he got from soldiers he served with in Iraq. He couldn’t sleep, and missed the adrenaline surge of constant, imminent danger. The amateur videos of combat eased the ache of withdrawal from war, but did nothing to heal my soldier’s heart.

At a conference on post-deployment care and services for soldiers and their families, a Marine Corps chaplain asked, “How do you know if you’re an SOB? Your wife will tell you!”

Har-de-har-har-har. The remark got the predictable round of applause from the capacity crowd, which, with one exception, wasn’t living with anyone who had recently returned from Iraq. I was that exception, and it infuriated me that this was a joke. The Pentagon’s solution for the constant stress endured by those of us who felt bewildered and betrayed was: “Learn how to laugh.” With help from the Pentagon’s chief laughter instructor, families of National Guard members were learning to walk like a penguin, laugh like a lion, and blurt “ha, ha, hee, hee, and ho, ho.”

Emotional isolation is one of the hallmarks of post-combat mental health problems. The National Guard didn’t conduct follow-up mental health screening or evaluations of the men in my husband’s company until they had been home for almost eight months. Nearly a year later, in August of 2006, my husband was informed of his results: Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). It was obvious that he was suffering, but when I brought it up, he parroted what the military told him: “Give it time.”

Time wasn’t a panacea for Jeffrey Lucey, Doug Barber, or the dozens of other Guard members and Reservists who have committed suicide after serving in Iraq. Time hasn’t helped the hundreds of homeless Iraq War veterans wandering lost in the streets of what military families are assured is a deeply grateful nation. Time is most definitely not on our side.

My husband has served his time with the Guard. He’s got more than twenty-three years of actual service, and almost twenty years of “good time” that qualifies him for retirement benefits.

But then he learned about a few loopholes. Now, if he serves as a member in good standing for 364 days in a year, instead of 365, that year isn’t credited as time served toward his retirement. If he’s deemed irreplaceable—he’s one of a handful of mortar platoon sergeants who’ve seen combat—the Guard can retain him for several more years after his contract expires.

He is surprised by this, but I’m not. I no longer expect that the Department of Defense will keep its promises to the soldiers or their families. I don’t pretend that the Pentagon will adhere to its policies. And I know from experience that “support the troops” is a slogan, and not a practice.

On January 11, 2007, the Pentagon discarded the time limit that prevented Guard members and Reservists from serving more than twenty-four total months on active duty for either the Iraq or Afghan wars. The Pentagon’s announcement came in the wake of President Bush’s decision to deploy an additional 21,500 troops to Iraq.

The escalation contradicts the advice of top U.S. military officials. Although the majority of Americans are opposed to the “surge,” most members of Congress are reluctant to block the supplemental appropriations request that will fund it, claiming that they don’t want to abandon the troops. Congress has abandoned the troops for nearly four years.

It is the soldiers, their families, and the people of Iraq that pay the human costs. The tab so far: more than 3,000 dead U.S. troops, tens of thousands of wounded, over half a million Iraqi casualties, roughly 250,000 American servicemen and women struggling with PTSD, and almost 60,000 military marriages that have been broken by this war.

Including mine.

It was hard to reconnect after more than a year apart, and the open wound of untreated PTSD made it virtually impossible. Lorin is still the best evidence I have of God’s grace in this world, but we just couldn’t find our way back together after the war came home.

Stacy Bannerman is the author of “When the War Came Home: The Inside Story of Reservists and the Families They Leave Behind.” She is a member of Military Families Speak Out, www.mfso.org, and can be contacted at her website, www.stacybannerman.com.